Marshall’s Theory of Citizenship

marshalls conjecture of Citizenship marshalls possibleness of citizenship and its relevance inBritain in 2017Introduction marshalls citizenship theory is concerned with genial rights, education, and voting. marshalls theory on citizenship is compatible with Britain in 2017 due to the particular that schools ar influenced by ideological, scotch, and cultural forces, and citizenship considers the demeanor in which education functions in class formation, struggle, capital accumulation, and the legitimation of the privileges of dominant groups (Apple, 20174). In event, in that respect is no doubt that schools be institutions of economic and cultural reproduction (Apple, 2017). Similarly, marshall (2009149) opines that the institutions intimately closely connected to citizenship and civilisation are the educational system and the complaisant services. Citizenship has also raise signalions on the sense of accessible solidarity and integration in any given community (Tu rner, 1990). Thus, citizenship, and every consider version of it, holds relevance now. marshals theory in particular, has relevance in 2017 due to the fact that there are several distinct forms of citizenship, and each peck be understood by taking marshalls vision of citizenship as a whole, rather than a sum of parts. Turner(1997) nones that gild is faced with two contradictory principles scarcityand complaisant solidarity. Scarcity results in exclusionary events such as sexdivisions, sociable classes, and view groups, whilst social solidarity requirescohesive community structures, regardless of ones social rest (Turner,1997). Gender divisions are the one area that marshalls theory on citizenshipfails to consider. In addendum to the above characteristics of Marshalls theory, Marshalls theoryon citizenship considered legal rights as the start-off form of citizenship(Turner, 1997). In the 19th century, semi governmental rights and theirinstitutionalisation in parliament was Marshalls second flavor of citizenship(Turner, 1997). Next, Marshall retrieved that citizenship was related to socialrights, and that those social rights were institutionalised in the upbeatstate (Turner, 1997). When considering these three forms of rights, Marshallargued that citizenship mitigates the inequalities created by capitalism(Turner, 199711). Marshall referred to modern industrialist capitalistsocieties as hyphenated societies, due to the fact that such societies obligate aimsome degree of democratic redistribution of wealth done the institution ofcitizenship.Marshallstheory on citizenship relies on post-war societies and their relationshipsbetween social class, offbeat, and citizenship (Turner, 1997). At the heart ofMarshalls theory on citizenship is identity. For instance, coevalBritain has faced anxiety in granting unconditional comprehensive citizenshipto Hong Kong nationals (Turner, 1997). Turner (19977) describes this creationas social end in which cit izenship is determined on aninclusion/exclusion basis, in an attempt to exclude come out of the closetsiders and drive outdiversity. The approximation of social closure is hitherto a pervasive concept in 2017, as certify by Brexit. Openness to diversity and difference is an essentialcomponent of a liberal democracy (Turner, 1997), withal the sentiment of some UK citizensis in conflict with the idea of diversity. Brexit and immigration are discussedlater in the essay. follow-up of Marshalls TheoryMarshallstheory of citizenship has been criticised for being Anglocentric andevolutionist (Mann, 1987). Mann (1987) give notices that emphasis should be fit(p)on go throughing ruling class interactions and anciens rgimes rather than risingbourgeois and proletarian classes, which has been the status quo in previouspolitical studies (Mann, 1987).Othercritics discount Marshalls concept of citizenship due to the fact that histheories were developed in the mid 70s (Bulmer & Rees, 1996) and the post-World state of war II political dynamic is frequently different than it is today. While this whitethorn bethe case, it does not negate the fact that Marshalls lived experiences as aprisoner in Germany and as a social worker, provides a knowledge and culturethat skunk buoy precisely be subsumed from such experiences. Such experiences can betriangulated to the adversity that many UK citizens feel today it is not anoverseas war that many in the UK are fighting- it is an internal war at whichthe bequeath of the underclass of Britain and Britains diminishing middle-class isthreatened.It isargu equal that Marshalls theory on citizenship go forth always have relevance,whether it is in the year 2017, 2060, or later. For instance, in 1978, somescholars pointed out that the concept of citizenship had dec relaxationd out of fashionamongst political thinkers (Kymlicka & Norman, 1994). Yet, 15 years later,citizenship has decease a buzz word in political discourse (Kymlicka &Nor man, 1994). Considered even minimally, it is arguable that Marshalls theoryis relevant in a cyclical nature. During certain points in time, it could bemore relevant than in other time periods, although the concept itself is alwaysrelevant. Marshall has considered the entitlements of economic structure andcapitalist society (Turner & Hamilton, 1990 199), and these concepts willalways be a constant. amicable Class & Welfare Reform heartyclass, like citizenship, is a system of dissimilitude (Marshall, 2009). Thus,Marshalls theory on citizenship takes account of the impact of citizenship onsocial class (Marshall, 2009). In fact, Marshall (1950) notes that citizenshipand social class are in conflict. The paragraphs below discuss social class andwelfare tidy up.Socialwelfare reform has been a central part of Britains political agenda sinceMargaret Thatchers policies of the hidebound government (McLaughlin, 2000).Thatchers social welfare reforms included less governmental intervention andless social assistance so as to allow citizens to be more spry in theirsocial and economic standing. Thatchers policies also known as Thatcherismencouraged great citizen freedom and free market (McLaughlin, 2000). The ideaof a free market is in line with Marshalls view on citizenship. followersThatchers policies, the Labour government reinvented social welfare after their1997 win (McLaughlin, 2000). Given the stark bank line between the Conservativegovernments policies and the Labour companys policies, it is arguable thatMarshalls understanding of citizenship is very much relevant to todaysBritain.Marshallshypothesis be on an economic calculation that the cost of providingeducation for all would increase a countrys productivity (Marshall, 1950 6).Although Marshalls hypothesis was calculated at a time in which physiologiclabour was heavily utilised, affordable access to education is a concept thatmany in Britain business concern about (Yuan & Powell, 2013). While Liberals a nd theLabour Party push for more social services such as education bursaries andgrants for lower income families, Conservatives hold the view that educationshould not be a part of the social welfare system (Counts, 1978). Thus, this isthe very notion of citizenship in which minimal access to education furtherwidens discrimination and dissimilarity is inversely correlated with citizenship.In equivalence is inversely correlated with citizenship due to the fact that thehigher the inequality that exists, the lower the participation of citizenship,due to the fact that individuals faced with economic hardship are less likelyto choose (Rosenstone, 1982). Arguably, the higher the citizenship, the lower theinequality of citizenship.Priorto the Labours win in 1997, the Labour Party stated that welfare reform wouldbe one its major campaign promises that it kept (Powell, 2000). The Laboursrhetoric was said to be a new and distinctive method that differed from boththe old go past and the ne w right (Powell, 2000). At the heart of the partyscampaign, however, was the need for social change and reform. Marshallsconcept of citizenship is relevant to that period and todays period due to thefact that social reform is still a heavily debated concept in 2017.Anotherelement that points to the relevance of Marshalls theory on citizenship iswelfare twaddle. Welfare role player is a hot-button topic for many political campaigns,despite its occurrence on a small scale. The British public believes that 27%of the UKs welfare budget is lost to fraud (Trade Unions Congress, 2013) whilethe governments registers of funding lost to welfare fraud is 0.7% (TUC, 2013).And according to a peak conducted by the Trades Union Congress (TUC), Ministersshould not assume that voters will come on to support Ministers syllabuss to capwelfare benefit rises. The TUCs research further notes that voters who areleast able to provide accurate results on benefits are most likely to back thegovernments plan to cut benefits (TUC, 2013). The poll results paint a bleakpicture on citizen perception on unemployment. For instance, the TUC poll showsthat once citizens learn that the benefits cap will hit workers in low paidjobs the most, support moves away from the government (TUC, 2013). The pollalso demonstrated that 61% of individuals polled believed that 41% of theentire welfare budget goes to inactive people, while the true figure is 3%(TUC, 2013). Overall, the results of the poll demonstrate that misconceptionson poverty and unemployment are what arouse misleading news stories andsensationalised campaign points. This is relevant to Marshalls notion ofcitizenship because people need to understand the real causes and issuesplaguing social welfare and unemployment welfare fraud is not one of them. Byremaining uninformed, an electorate may very well vote against their betterinterests, and in turn, this foster inequality. Marshall (1950) suggested thatit was the states social respons ibility to help the working class and poor toutilise their political and civil rights, and this can only be accomplishedwith an informed voter base. This is especially true due to the fact that cutsin social security programs have disproportionately affected women (Shelley& Gavigan, 2004). Cuts to these programs have affected single mothers inparticular (Shelley & Gavigan, 2004). Shelley and Gavigan (2004) confuse acritical point when they note that public discourse and social images onwelfare fraud erroneously link poverty and welfare to crime.Brexit & ImmigrationPriorto Brexit, many political analysts suggested that the determining calculate onattitudes for leaving or staying in Britain was immigration, while otherssuggested that the determining factor was the advantage versus the disadvantageof EU membership (McKee & Galsworthy, 2016). Although Brexit took placein 2016, the effects of the vote are apparent in 2017.Tiedto Brexit is immigration. As immigration is a global concern , minority groupsand liberal assimilationist concepts of citizenship have dominated politicaldiscourse. The same can be said for Britains immigration problem.Thepublic vote to leave the EU brought about issues of citizenship and sharpness(Goodwin & Milazzo, 2017). In fact, a poll conducted by the BritishElection Study (BES) demonstrated that anti-immigration rhetoric mold publicsupport for Brexit (Goodwin & Milazzo, 2017). For instance, increases inthe rate of immigration in the UK were key predictors of the vote for Brexit(Goodwin & Milazzo, 2017). It is not strike that Britain has takenissue with immigration for several years. Journalists and reporters have seenincreased attacks on EU migrants and minorities in record number, and itappears that this problem has only increased subsequent to Brexit (Goodwin& Milazzo, 2017). Further to the violence and anti-immigrant sentiment, theanger and xenophobia against immigrants are expected to become more intense(Goodwin & Milazzo, 2017). Inconsidering the other side of the argument, Marshalls theory may not be as relevantto the year 2017 due to the fact that Marshalls theory cerebrate on the do workof political power and voter turnout for Brexit was low (Goodwin & Heath,2016). Marshall noted that citizens exercise participation of political powerby voting, and if citizens do not exercise this right, they cannot be said tobe involved in the political process. Arguably, a lack of participation pointsto apathy or hopelessness. Marshall argued that citizenship is a statusbestowed on all those who are full members of a community. (Marshall,195028). Such members carry out their responsibilities by voting andcompleting civic obligations. On the other hand, Banks (2008) theory oncitizenship which is still evident in todays society is similar to Marshallsnotion of citizenship as Banks rejects assimilation, arguing that citizenshipshould hypothesise diverse cultures and languages. Further, diverse groups rightscan aid ind ividuals in attaining structural equality.Education ReformEducationreform has been a hot button issue for the past 20 years (Torres, 1998).Education reform and citizenship are interrelated concepts due to the fact thatcitizens exercise their rights to vote on education. Education is not only ahuman right, but it is a concept that is at the forefront of the electorate.While some authors note that the banter of schools in the UK remainmarginal to the policy process or they are heard minimally through teachingunions (Bowe, Ball, & Gold, 2017), the consensus is that educational reformis an important campaigning point, and this is acknowledged by politicalpundits.Another contend why education reform and citizenship are linked is because the socialdivision of labour and educational systems are connected. This is in line withMarshalls theory on citizenship due to the fact that discussions oneducational reform have centred around schools and their ability to reduce thedivision of labour an d lessen existing inequality (Apple, 2017).The UKs housing CrisisThecurrent lodgment crisis in the UK is another issue that is related tocitizenship, due to the fact that it is a social phenomenon that the electorateholds a stake in. The house crisis also exacerbates inequality, andinequality is a fundamental dogma of citizenship, as noted by Marshall.Thelodging crisis in the UK is a problem that began after World War II (Gurran& Whitehead, 2011). Post-war planning legislation was instated in order toensure that there was adequate supply of lodgment land, but much of thelegislation failed to account to for Britains growing population (Gurran &Whitehead, 2011). Since the passing of such legislation, there has been awidening gap between housing demand and supply in the UK, leading to thehousing crisis (Gurran & Whitehead, 2011). The question of whetherMarshalls theory on citizenship pertains to todays housing crisis in the UK,rests on government intervention. While Marshall was l argely against stateintervention in some respects, Marshall support the state using its power foreducation and basic assistance (Marshall, 1950). Proponents of improved andaffordable housing conditions suggest that the government should vigorously beinvolved in the planning process and provide adequate housing provisions forlow-income households (Gurran & Whitehead, 2011). While Conservativesbelieve that the private market should be able to balance development and theinterests of the UK citizens, Liberals believe that state intervention willprovide equitable and socially beneficial forms of housing for those that aremost in need (Gurran & Whitehead, 2011). Gurran and Whitehead (2011) arguethat state intervention is the only solution that will ease the housing crisisdue to the fact that less land will be available for activities that generate ostracise externalities, resulting in higher housing prices, whilst more landwill be available for uses that include greater social benefit. St one (2006)also notes that affordable housing is a social issue that must take account ofcurrent incomes in the UK. Affordable housing can mean subsidised housing and inhabitable housing conditions (Stone, 2006). Thus, Marshalls theory wouldinclude support for affordable housing, given the inequalities that exist inthe housing shortage.FeminismAsfeminism has gained steam in the last 20 years, so has the quest for equality(Brooks, 1997). Postmodern feminism and citizenship moves beyond the mainlywhite, male, middle-class perspective that much of history has been base on. Further,the absence of gender causes problems for understanding citizenship (Walby,1994). Walby (1994) argues that discussions on citizenship must consider theways in which gender can be integrated into citizenship (Walby, 1994). Thus,citizenship must consider a dynamic theory of gender relations and politicalcitizenship that destabilises patriarchy and restores equal citizenship (Walby,1994).Somescholars note that M arshalls theory of citizenship is not applicable todaybased on Marshalls linear view on citizenship. These scholars argue thatMarshalls perspective on citizenship is that of a white, heterosexual male,and that it does not take account of minorities, women, lesbians, orhomosexuals (Turner, 2009).Lister(2003) notes that active citizenship can be accomplished by questioning wakelesslyentrenched dichotomies and understanding the more overbearing forms of active citizenshipwhich are dominated by political agendas. The other way that active citizenshipcan be accomplished is by refusing to accept unfounded definitions andconstructions of insiders and outsiders in relation to individual rights oncitizenship, and this requires a deep regard for gender equality.Postmodernistfeminist also allows issues of child care, education, and work-life balance tobe considered as a matter of both genders, despite those issues beingconsidered as female issues. Lister (2003) has allowed poor gendered vers ionsof citizenship to be questioned, which is what Marshalls theory on citizenshipfails to do.ConclusionWhile Marshalls theory on citizenship focused mainlyon the free market, Marshall also considered with the inequalities that camewith citizenship. On this end, Marshalls theory is still applicable to Britainin the year 2017, due to the fact that inequalities linked to citizenship stillexist in Britain. The housing crisis has also demonstrated the applicability ofMarshalls theory. Brexit has demonstrated that there is anti-immigrantsentiment, despite the fact that the change point for joining the EU was thefree movement of people and goods. The one area that Marshalls theory oncitizenship may not apply to, is feminism.In regards to gender and inequality, the negativehistorical treatment of poor women on welfare have clouted public discourse(Shelley & Gavigan, 2004) on the real social welfare issues. Thecriminalisation of poverty in Britain raises theoretical questions on theregul ation and control of Britains welfare state. Thus, Marshalls theory oncitizenship fails on this particular point due to the fact that Marshallsperspective considers that of the white male, while largely ignoring women andtheir struggle and position as second-class citizens. As citizenshiphas re-emerged as an issue which is central to political concerns regarding healthcare,education, and social security (Turner, 1990), it must also consider the fightfor equality and feminism- otherwise, citizenship is not truly considered inits totality.BibliographyApple, M.W. 2017. Cultural and Economic Reproduction inEducation Essays on Class, Ideology, and the terra firma (London Routledge).Banks, J.A.2008.Diversity, Group Identity, and Citizenship Education in a Global Age. Educational Researcher, 37(3), 129-139.Bowe, R., Ball, S.J., Gold, A. 2017. 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